result from a selective deployment of writing in control of resources on estates. Most surviving ancient Egyptian administrative texts derive from the two spheres of the state economy: royal domain and temple. The Egyptians used the same word, pr, for “house” and “estate.” In the increased precision of official positions in the late Middle Kingdom, the basic title “estate overseer” was modified by supplementary phrases to specify particular areas of responsibility. Four of these provide us with the sections into which the Egyptians themselves divided estate resources:

  • 1. accountant of manpower;
  • 2. accountant of livestock;
  • 3. accountant of grain; and
  • 4. accountant of shipping

Item 1 involves time calculation; items 1 and 2 require periodic recalculation of resources affected by birth and death rates; and items 2 and 3 require calculation of land area and type. The fourth item is all-important in the Nile Valley, where river boats remained the principal means of transport until the nineteenth century CE.

To these principal economic concerns may be added the supplementary categories of natural nonstaples, nonedible raw materials, and artificial products. The distinction between staples and luxuries depends on the criteria of scale of production and access. In organization it is complemented by the contrast in processing and storage between edibles and other goods. Some goods occupy an anomalous position in this scheme, such as the luxury edibles (meat, honey, wine, and oil). The large Egyptian house seems to have comprised two conceptually and physically distinct areas: the provisioning sector (Eg., šnʿ), where food and drink were prepared, and the reception rooms (ḫʒ) and family rooms (ἰpt), where the owner lived. The precise late Middle Kingdom titles specify for the (šnʿ) officials the following segments (ʿt): bread; beer; other liquids; meat; fat; fruits; fish and birds.

Goods other than edibles formed the stock of the treasury (literally “white house”) and seem to have been designated as “sealed goods.” These are above all the products of craftsmen. The late Middle Kingdom titles specify the following professions after the basic title overseer of a “sector” (wʿrt): coppersmiths, goldsmiths, glaze workers, jewelers (literally “drillers of semiprecious stones”), furniture-makers, sculptors, draftsmen, necropolis workers (for production of stelae and offering-tables—i.e., sculptors in two-dimensional relief). Less ornamented crafts included the key industries of pottery and textile production. With clay and flax products, there is greater scope for household production.

In managerial positions, written calculation is the key skill, and “accountant” seems a more accurate rendering for the Egyptian title conventionally translated “scribe” (sš). This position seems always to have been held by men. Although little evidence survives for schools, formal training in writing may have been specifically for men entering the administration. The script learned for this was not hieroglyphic, but rather the cursive forms Hieratic (in the Old to New Kingdoms), Abnormal Hieratic (developed in the Third Intermediate Period), and Demotic (in the Late period, and retained, though secondary to Greek, in the Macedonian, Ptolemaic, and Roman periods). The longest surviving mathematical manual (the Papyrus Rhind, late Second Intermediate Period, c.1550 BCE) would have provided a trainee with rather more calculating skills than he would need for daily estate records. The New Kingdom literary text known as the Satirical Letter (Papyrus Anastasi I) also provides perhaps overextensive coverage of practical problems faced by the administrator.

Administrative texts, defined as those produced in and for estate management, may be separated from the related categories of judicial texts and business letters. Those may include short accountancy texts, and may be copied into longer estate records or “journals.” However, they form discrete bodies of text in subject matter, headings, and format. They present a body of text with verbal sentences and, often, narrative passages, whereas administrative texts favor nominal forms, often in tabular layout or with guidelines. Different centers across the country may have adopted local practices in orthography and handwriting, or even in idiom, but this is rarely documented in the surviving fragments of administrative textual production. Indications of regional variation surface in the northern and southern sections of Papyrus Harris I (see the discussion following the list below) and in the late adoption of the Demotic script in Upper Egypt.

List of Administrative Documents.

The principal surviving administrative documents are here summarized in chronological order.

1. Abusir Papyri. These are fragmentary temple business papers from three centers of royal cult at the northern end of the Abusir-Saqqara-Dahshur cemeteries: the pyramid complex of Neferirkare, the pyramid complex of Neferefre, and the cult complex of a queen Khentkawes. They include tables recording work shifts for temple personnel, lists of cult apparel including detailed notes of repairs, accounts for income, and passes issued to allow entry into restricted areas.

2. Old Kingdom papyri from provincial towns. Fewer documents survive from the third millennium BCE outside the Memphite area, and these are difficult to date. They include early Old Kingdom (fourth or fifth dynasty) cloth accounts from Gebelein in southern Upper Egypt, and unpublished date and grain accounts from Sharuna in northern Middle Egypt (Berlin Papyrus 10500), as well as papyri from Elephantine (published judicial and epistolary examples, unpublished accounts fragments).

3. Hekanakhte Papyri and other early Middle Kingdom accounts. The Hekanakhte papyri are a group of letters and accounts concerning farms in Upper Egypt, managed by Hekanakhte, a funerary priest. The identity of the estate is uncertain, but it may be the fields supporting the funerary estate of a high official (one correspondent is a general). The texts provide much of the surviving detail on Middle Kingdom agriculture. Writing-boards preserve additional data, such as name lists of servants, but without context.

4. Reisner Papyri. The four papyri are named after the American excavator who discovered them on a coffin in the cemetery at Nag el-Deir, on the eastern bank of the Nile in the region of Abydos (Simpson 1963–1986). They contain accounts of the labor time, materials, and tools (including repairs) in a building project involving the vizier Intefiqer, of the reign of Senwosret I of the twelfth dynasty. Traces of erased accounts on part of the group deal with textile production by women recruited from certain towns.

5. Lahun Papyri. Under this heading may be grouped three collections of fragmentary papyri from the area of the modern village Illahun (el-Lahun), at the entrance to Faiyum province: (1) Valley Temple business papers from the pyramid complex of Senwosret II (most now preserved in Berlin); (2) miscellaneous items from the large town site adjacent to the pyramid complex (most now preserved in University College, London); and (3) a smaller number of papyri retrieved from the late Middle Kingdom tombs at Haraga, across the fields from Illahun on a sand island.

The Valley Temple papyri recall the range of the Abusir Papyri, with tables of duty, inventories, and accounts of goods required for festival offerings, or labor required from the temple community for state works; however, there is also a substantial correspondence between the mayor of the nearest town and the temple scribe. These letters deal largely with the problems of offering supplies and labor requirements. Numerous items were copied onto a hryt (“journal”), including copies of business letters as well as records of deliveries and expenditure. The group does not contain any religious texts (liturgies, hymns, ritual guides, incantations, or funerary texts).

The papyri from the large town site appear much more heterogeneous, reflecting their diverse find-spots in larger and smaller houses. The largest group (labeled Lot VI by the excavator and first editor) includes numerous accounts that concentrate on royal building works but also include herds management, two similar lists of “goods taken in a levy(?),” and provisioning-sector accounts. A separate item preserves part of a “calculation of fields,” and another set of large fragments comes from consecutive items of account at the town (not recorded every day, so not strictly a journal). The judicial texts include the only surviving wpwt “household listings,” presumably used by the administration to calculate wealth. The larger unpublished fragments include a group of accounts concerning timber, textiles, and fish, some of which mention the early thirteenth dynasty treasurer Senebsumai.

The Haraga papyri include the only surviving Middle Kingdom fragment of land assessment for the Bureau of Fields.

6. Papyrus Boulaq 18. This name is given to two accountancy texts from a late Middle Kingdom tomb at Thebes, which was discovered with the intact burial of the scribe of the main works enclosure, Neferhotep. The longer presents a daily record of income and expenditure for the royal court over a period of two weeks, apparently during a visit by the king to Medamud. The shorter series involves the estate of the vizier and was apparently written up by or for Neferhotep himself.

7. Other Middle Kingdom papyri. The box of papyri found in a reused tomb beneath the Ramesseum precinct contained literary and religious manuscripts, but some of these bore secondary texts such as grain accounts, a granary plan, and a time-check of seventy days in ten equal sections (possibly for mummification). The judicial texts on the Brooklyn Papyrus (35.1446) include a list of runaway workers by city from south to north, with references to types of land and work obligations.

8. Papyrus Louvre 3226. This, one of the longest surviving eighteenth dynasty administrative papyri, records the movements of two cargo ships traveling along the Nile Valley and dealing in dates and grain.

9. Ostraca from eighteenth dynasty work projects at Deir el-Bahri. This is the earliest surviving large group of ostraca; earlier examples are isolated finds from Old and Middle Kingdom cemeteries and building sites, and the late seventeenth or early eighteenth dynasty potsherds from the palace at Deir el-Ballas, between Thebes and Dendera. The Deir el-Bahri items have not been published in full and are divided between several museums; they include records of work and supplies at the temple for Queen Hatshepsut as king and at the tomb of one of her high officials, Senenmut.

10. Memphite palace accounts papyri of the eighteenth dynasty. Of three related papyri, one records expenditure on shipbuilding (Papyrus British Museum 10056). Another concerns work in ivory and ebony for the domain of Thutmose III and the boat of the king (Papyrus Hermitage 1116B). A third preserves grain accounts involving the estates of the treasurer and the “God's Adoratrice,” and includes payments to foreign envoys (Papyrus Hermitage 1116A).

11. Accounts from the reign of Sety I. This set of papyri preserves highly detailed accounts of baking and brewing. These involve at least in part army rations, and perhaps relate to the Asian campaigns of Sety I. The records specify amounts down to tiny fractions, in a bureaucratic exercise reminiscent of the extreme precision in late third millennium BCE Iraq (accountancy texts of the Ur III period).

12. Memphite shipping logs, nineteenth dynasty. Two shipping logs preserve details of estate management on the Nile. They are connected with the estate of the high priest at Memphis, Prince Khaemwaset, of the early years of Ramesses II.

13. Ramesseum Ostraca. Ostraca from the temple for Ramesses II on the western bank of the Nile at Thebes include accountancy texts. Four record ship deliveries of sandstone blocks for the construction of the temple (Kitchen 1991).

14. Papyrus Amiens. This substantial account of transport ships involves the collection of grain from various temple domains in the tenth province of Upper Egypt and elsewhere (Gardiner 1948, vi–vii, no. 1). Jac Janssen has identified the Papyrus British Museum 10061 as the lower half of this manuscript. This fixes provenance at Asyut, the strategic point midway between Memphis and Thebes.

15. Gurob Papyri. Petrie retrieved a substantial number of fragmentary Ramessid accounts papyri from the palace town near modern Gurob, at the entrance to the Faiyum. These deal in large part with the palace of the royal family, including deliveries of textiles from the palace to the royal residence at Piramesse in the eastern Delta (Gardiner 1948, viii–xiii, nos. 2–16). Future study of these texts may clarify the extent to which the Gurob palace functioned as a specialist textile factory. A few manuscripts of the same date were found in New Kingdom levels at the nearby Middle Kingdom townsite north of modern Illahun.

16. Wilbour Papyrus. This manuscript, preserved in the Brooklyn Museum, is by far the most extensive and important land census to survive. Despite its length of more than 10 meters (32 feet), the precise object of the assessment remains unclear (Janssen 1975). The assessors covered an area of northern Middle Egypt, but it is unclear whether they examined all lands, or whether the grain yields refer to the main harvest or a second crop. The relationship between the sets of figures is also uncertain, making it difficult to identify a “tax” on, for example, temple domains. The papyrus includes the professions of those responsible for cultivating.

17. Papyrus Harris, Harem Conspiracy Papyri, Tomb Robbery Papyri. See the discussion after the list of administrative papyri.

18. Deir el-Medina papyri and ostraca. Deir el-Medina is the modern name for a walled area of houses in the desert on the western bank of the Nile at Thebes, a site known in Egyptian texts simply as “the Settlement.” Here lived, with their families, the craftsmen of the king's tomb in the Valley of the Kings. The nineteenth and twentieth dynasty royal tomb took the form of a long corridor, decorated along its full length; its creation therefore required a considerable number of skilled draftsmen, competent in canonical art with hieroglyphic script. In effect, it is a key royal workshop of draftsmen, and therefore has a higher proportion of literate men, living in desert conditions where texts survive well, in contrast to the river valley. The Deir el-Medina papyri and ostraca constitute the largest mass of text from a single community of the Bronze Age, with few premodern rivals in scale. The largest of these came to light in the first modern clearance of the site, for the antiquities collection of Bernardino Drovetti (today preserved in the Egyptian Museum, Turin). The Journal of the Necropolis was the central mechanism of control. The extant portions display the same features of copying and summary as found in Middle Kingdom compilations of accounts. Of other papyri from the site, the Turin Taxation Papyrus is among the most complete; it records on the front side (recto) grain deliveries to Thebes from towns in southern Upper Egypt (Gardiner 1948, xiii, no. 17). The accountant is the necropolis scribe Thutmose, writing in Year 12 of the reign of Ramesses XI. The Deir el-Medina material also includes the earliest record of work stoppages, the Turin Strike Papyrus, from regnal Years 29–30 of Ramesses III. A valuable but broken series of revenue accounts occupies the back (verso) of the king list known as the Turin Royal Canon; despite its condition, it includes contexts for several technical terms of importance to the question of “tax” (see below).

19. Land accounts of the Third Intermediate Period. Different collections preserve a series of highly fragmentary documents, perhaps from a single find. Extant portions record fields in the tenth nome (province) of Upper Egypt (capital at modern Qau). Despite their poor condition, they provide one of the main blocks of data on land assessment. There are few other documents for either this period or this region (Vleeming 1993; note that the Oxford group figures in Gardiner 1948, xxi, no. 23).

In the Late period, accounts were in Demotic, and, in contrast to Demotic judicial texts, few of these have been identified, studied or published.

Other Sources.

Other administrative notes were applied directly in ink to the surface of an object to record immediate information. Notes of date and work gang occur on building blocks in Old and Middle Kingdom royal pyramid complexes (Arnold 1990). At all periods there are commodity “labels,” usually the name and quantity of a commodity written onto its container. Concentrations of “labels” include Old Kingdom tomb goods on the western bank at Aswan, and wares in the late eighteenth dynasty palace cities of Malqata and Amarna, in the tomb of Tutankhamun, in the Ramesseum, and at Deir el-Medina. These may be related to the substantial body of different kinds of incised or painted potmarks from the Early Dynastic to the Late period. However, the potmarks themselves, on the border of literacy and illiteracy, remain largely enigmatic.

Judicial texts and letters include numerous details on estate management, and often provide a narrative context for technical terms left unexplained in accountancy papyri. They may also cite excerpts from administrative documents. A special class of judicial text is the sἰpty wr (“great revision”). In these, state officials inspect local conditions preparatory to a major overhaul. The most important attested revisions are reviews of temple domains, involving the maintenance of cults from estates. Any major new cult foundation would require such a review. The procedure survives more in hieroglyphic texts than in original manuscript sources. An exception is Papyrus Abbott, which preserves the inspection of all royal tombs at Thebes outside the Valley of the Kings; the review was prompted by a trial of tomb robbers. This is one of a group of documents recording cases of treason, perhaps buried and found together (Tomb Robbery Papyri and Harem Conspiracy Papyri). The greatest of these is Papyrus Harris I (British Museum 9999), the longest surviving papyrus roll at over 40 meters (128 feet). This bears a meticulous list of all donations throughout Egypt by Ramesses III to temple domains, in a prayer to the gods to install his son Ramesses IV safely on the throne as his successor. It has often been interpreted as a cession of crown land to the priesthood, but this rests on a misreading of the category “temple domain.” Nearly all the donations are to the cult of Ramesses III himself “in the Amun domain,” that is, to the temple for his eternal cult at Medinet Habu on the western bank at Thebes. State officials rather than temple staff manage his cult estates, and the revenues go to the royal cult, not to the Amun priests. The document therefore gives details not of a loss of royal power, but of the practical results of a “great revision.” Like any king, Ramesses III would need to review revenues, including temple lands, in order to construct the temples to his own cult and fund it in perpetuity; the succeeding kings would presumably do the same, again reviewing all estates, including those for the cult of Ramesses III. The practical functioning of this system over time remains to be studied, as do the proportion of state to private land and the precise scope of the reviews. Though a “religious” document, Papyrus Harris contains essential evidence on estate formation and management.

Other nondocumentary manuscripts may also supply details of the management of estates. Literary letters such as the Late Egyptian Miscellanies exaggerate the disadvantages of life outside the scribal profession, and include vivid accounts of farming and border patrols (Caminos 1954). In addition to these manuscript sources, carved inscriptions in Hieratic and hieroglyphic provide evidence for the administration. Even where these appear to be direct copies on stone from manuscript originals, such inscriptions are secondary rather than primary sources. Their context in an inaccessible or sacred location, and often in the sacred script, sets the direct administrative data in the frame of religious monument and eternity. One of the largest groups consists of Middle Kingdom expedition inscriptions in Sinai, Wadi Hammamat, Wadi el-Hudi and Toshka. In contrast to inscriptions at other quarries and of other periods, these, mainly hieroglyphic records record times, numbers of men and commodities involved in the expedition. Most of the more detailed inscriptions date to the reigns of Senwosret I (Wadi Hammamat and Wadi el-Hudi) and Amenemhet III (Sinai).

Hieroglyphic sources include royal annals preserving substantial economic data, often recorded with mathematical precision. The earliest of these are basalt fragments of one or more fifth dynasty monuments (Palermo Stone and related fragments). A series of twelfth dynasty quartzite and granite blocks appears to belong to court annals of Amenemhet II, reused in later monuments at Memphis and Cairo. Far better preserved are the campaign annals of Thutmose III and other inscriptions of the same reign in the Amun temple at Karnak, and the great festival list of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. Royal stelae often include details of revenue or expenditure as part of the narrative of royal triumph; the accuracy of figures in such texts must be assessed against the purpose of the inscription.

For the study of administration, one of the most revealing classes of hieroglyphic text is the exemption decree. These are attested already in the Old Kingdom, where temples received, and copied on stone, royal exemption from levies on produce or labor. A thousand years later, the Decree of Horemheb preserves measures against exaggerated demands by state officials on local resources. Not long after this, Sety I issued a decree to protect the income of the Abydos temple to his cult; it survives in a copy carved on the rock at Nauri, 35 kilometers (22 miles) north of the Third Cataract. A hieroglyphic inscription carved under Siptah and Tawosret records the establishment and protection of an estate to support a cult of Amun (stela from Bilgai, in the central Delta). Several New Kingdom royal decrees derive from a “great revision” entailing the diversion of funds. Surviving examples include a sed-festival decree of Amenhotep III, the establishment of the new royal cult of the Aten under Akhenaten, the restoration decree of Tutankhamun, and decrees of Merenptah and Ramesses III. They include protection clauses in terms similar to those of the exemption decrees.

Numerous Third Intermediate Period and Late period stelae bear hieroglyphic donation texts citing field areas. Already in the New Kingdom land donations are recorded, as in the tomb-chapel of Penniut at Aniba in Nubia. These give insight into land ownership and management. The Endowment Stela of Psamtik I provides details of the journey of his daughter Nitiqret from the Delta to Thebes; it records the sources of income for the royal party on its way south, together with the funds for her new position as priestess at the Amun temple.

From the Old and Middle Kingdoms, several tomb-chapel hieroglyphic inscriptions survive with records of inheritance; as with legal manuscripts, these may shed light on property rights and estate management. One of the principal sources in this field is the chapel of Djefaihapy at Asyut. Kemp (1989) has compared these to the modern Islamic waqf, or pious foundation; any donation in perpetuity would certainly require religious expression to have a chance of surviving economic pressures. In the case of ancient Egypt, religious objections could presumably be met by the tactic of wedjeb khet (“reversion of offerings”), whereby revenue from one estate “turned” to another, as it were, to a second divine recipient after the first had partaken of the offerings.

The Theban tomb-chapels of mid-eighteenth dynasty viziers preserve the hieroglyphic text that seems closest to an Egyptian treatise on the administration, known today as the Duties of the Vizier. This is of disputed origin, but it may be copied from a late Middle Kingdom original; it is accompanied by a pictorial version of the proportions of dues levied in Upper Egypt.

The various sources attest to revenues under different names. Their debated meanings are crucial to determining the nature of private property, taxation, foreign revenue, and slavery in ancient Egypt. The word ἰnw is often translated “tribute,” but it has in fact a neutral, technical sense in accountancy texts. In the late Middle Kingdom Papyrus Boulaq 18, for example, it is clear that estate revenue is termed ʿkw in general, but can be divided into iḳw and ʒnw. The distinguishing criterion is the source, or, more particularly, the place where the raw material is worked; ʿkw is produced in the šnʿ (“provisioning-quarters”) of the estate, and ἰnw (literally, “supplements”) covers anything added to the daily estate production. Thus, ʿkw denotes the regular revenue, and ἰnw the special extras. “Tribute” is a mistranslation which introduces assumed sociopolitical relations extraneous to the Egyptian word. Similar caution must be applied to words translated “tax.” Late Middle Kingdom accounts papyri use the terms ṯʒ-r-tʒ, bʒkw, and ḥtr. Although rare, ṯʒ-r-tʒ, might be translated literally “grain taken against land”; the correct levy would be calculated from the known acreage and type of land, and the known size of household, a labor force for harvest; bʒkw denotes produce of labor, implying use of labor force but not necessarily a fixed regular yield such as rent or tax; ḥtr means literally “yoked,” and is used for payments obligatory for a fixed time or destination, on grounds that are not stated. In the Illahun Valley Temple papyri, it is the term for deliveries expected for specific festivals, again leaving unclear whether it is a rent or a tax. In the Late Egyptian texts of the late New Kingdom, new terms appear, and the old terms are likely to have different technical meanings. In addition to bʒkw and ḥtr the terms šʒgt and tp-drt apply to estate revenues, while ṯʒ-r-tʒ is no longer found; tp-drt means “upon the hand,” suggesting a levy fixed for a particular individual, perhaps by title or office; šʒgt means “amounts due,” but again the criteria and frequency for this and the other levies require further research. Until a databank of these terms becomes available, their meaning remains obscure, and with it the entire relation between state and individual in ancient Egypt.


  • Arnold, Felix. The Control Notes and Team Marls. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Exhibition. The South Cemeteries of Lisht, vol. 2. New York, 1990. Key reference work for the Middle Kingdom texts written on stone blocks between the quarry and the building-site.
  • Breasted, J. H. Ancient Records of Egypt. 5 vols. Chicago, 1906. Despite its age, the series remains a useful reference source, and often the only published English translation, for numerous hieroglyphic inscriptions, and several cursive manuscripts such as Papyrus Harris I.
  • Caminos, Ricardo A. Late Egyptian Miscellanies. Oxford, 1954. Translations and commentary of the satirical and realistic literary paragraphs used to encourage apprentice scribes; these provide narrative contexts for details of administrative procedure, including informal methods not otherwise recorded in the surviving sources.
  • Gardiner, A. H. Ramesside Administrative Documents. Oxford, 1948. Provides hieroglyphic transcriptions for a series of late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period texts, with brief introduction to their contents.
  • Gardiner, A. H., T. E. Peet, and J. Černy. The Inscriptions of Sinai, vol. 2. Egypt Exploration Society Memoir, 55. London, 1955. Translations of the extant inscriptions in Sinai, including the main Middle Kingdom corpus.
  • James, T. G. H. The Hekanakhte Papers and Other Middle Kingdom Documents. New York, 1962. The first edition and principal reference source, with photographs, transliteration, and translation of early Middle Kingdom accounts papyri and letters.
  • Janssen, Jac J. “Prolegomena to the Study of Egypt's Economic History during the New Kingdom.” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 3 (1975), 127–185. Although only available in a specialized journal, this is the fundamental essay on problems of interpreting Egyptian administrative texts; it includes a summary of the principal administrative New Kingdom texts.
  • Kemp, Barry J. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London and New York, 1989. An excellent introduction to the Old to New Kingdoms, this is one of the only works to combine archaeological with textual evidence in the study of the Egyptian economy.
  • Kitchen, K. “Building the Ramesseum.” Cahier de Recherches de l'Institut de Papyrologie et d'Egyptologie de Lille 13 (1991), 85–93. A succinct study of four Ramesseum ostraca, recording cargoes of sandstone blocks.
  • Quirke, S. The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom: The Hieratic Documents. New Malden, 1991. Discussion of Papyrus Boulaq 18 and other textual sources for reconstructing state administration at that period.
  • Simpson, William K. Papyrus Reisner, I–IV. Boston, 1963–1986. Includes the first edition of the papyri found by Reisner in a Middle Kingdom tomb at Nag el-Deir; also translations and full discussions.
  • Spalinger, A. J. “Some Revisions of Temple Endowments in the New Kingdom.” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 28 (1991), 21–39. Basic study highlights the importance of the periodic royal “great revision” of temple domains.
  • Spalinger, A. J. “From Local to Global: The Extension of an Egyptian Bureaucratic Term to the Empire.” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 23 (1996), 353–376. Discusses bʒk, ḥtr, and inw in New Kingdom texts, with reference to the sources of other periods.
  • Vleeming, Sven. Papyrus Reinhardt. An Egyptian Land-list of the Tenth Century BC. Berlin, 1993. The first edition of one of the most important surviving, if highly fragmentary, accounts papyri of the Third Intermediate Period; it includes discussions of the terms for types of land, as well as a listing of the other accounts texts surviving from the early first millennium BCE.
  • Ward, William A. Index of Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles of the Middle Kingdom. Beirut, 1982. Despite its limitations, this remains the only available single listing of formal titles and self-descriptive phrases for the period; includes, though it does not distinguish, the rigorously precise official titles used in the late Middle Kingdom.

Stephen G. J. Quirke