[This entry comprises two articles treating the remains of the Bronze Age and Iron Age, respectively.]
Bronze Age Period
Tel Arad lies 576 m above sea level, in Israel's northeastern Negev desert (map reference 162 × 075). The 10-ha (25 acre) tell is bowl shaped, facilitating the drainage of runoff into its center, where a reservoir was located in the Early Bronze Age II. At present, annual rainfall averages 170 mm at Tel Arad, classifying the climate as semiarid. However, there is much evidence to suggest a more humid climate for the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages, up to the mid-third millennium.
The city was found to have five principal strata, with varying local sequences and sublevels. Because the main objective of the excavations at Arad was to obtain a comprehensive picture of the site in its uppermost urban phase (stratum II), the picture gained of the earlier strata (V–III) is more fragmentary.
The stratum V settlement (c. 4000–3400 BCE) resembled contemporaneous ones in the Beersheba valley: non-nucleated remains dispersed over the tell and its neighboring hills. Though assigned to the Beersheba culture, no cavelike, subterranean occupation was found—only pit dwellings—possibly because the loess layer at Arad is very shallow. The pits may be the lower sections of structures whose upper walls were made of perishable materials. Stratum V produced evidence of two phases. It now seems clear that a gap in occupation occured between strata V and IV because the material found in stratum IV belongs to EB IB, and EB IA finds are absent.
An unfortified “village,” whose remains were found wherever stratum III remains were removed, represents stratum IV (3200–3000 BCE). Its full extent is unknown. Finds under the subsequent stratum III city-wall foundations were of particular significance for chronological and urban development. Dated to EB IB, the settlement's traces were found both in rock caves and in building remains. No remains of larger, public buildings were discerned. This small community was one of several similar ones that coexisted in the Arad basin in EB IB. It is not clear whether Arad already served as a central place at this time.
The Egyptian pottery from stratum IV indicates that trade between Egypt and Canaan, well-known from the southern coastal plain, also involved Arad. The most important find of this kind was an Egyptian jar fragment bearing the serekh (the pharaoh's name in a rectangular frame) of Narmer, the last king of dynasty 0, at the end of the Egyptian predynastic period (Amiran, 1974, 1976). This inscription provided a synchronism of Canaanite and Egyptian chronologies: the EBI, coeval on the whole with the Naqada II and III periods,included the reigns of the last pharaohs of dynasty 0 (Narmer and Hor-Aha). EB II began in the reign of Pharaoh Djer of the first dynasty. Trade with Egypt continued throughout the city's history (see below).
The only burial cave found at Arad so far belongs to stratum IV. Located northwest of (i.e., outside) the later stratum III city wall, the cave contained sixteen skeletons of men, women, and children; pottery, stone, and copper vessels; and beads of various materials. [See Burial Sites; Grave Goods.] One skull was trephinated (a small section of the skull was removed while the person was alive)—one of the earliest of such surgeries known (Smith, 1990).
There appears to be no hiatus between strata IV and III. The city wall, sacred precinct, palace, and other structures throughout the tell were erected in stratum III, the earliest “urban” stratum at Tel Arad. The reservoir was also installed, surrounded by a complex of public buildings. Thick conflagration layers found throughout the site, and the breaching and subsequent reconstruction of the city wall, attest to stratum III's destruction by enemy attack in about 2800 BCE.
The destruction of stratum III was probably followed immediately by the stratum II settlement. Its architectural style, building techniques, material culture, and social structure all show continuity. Below is a more detailed description of the finds from strata II and III.
The city wall, 1,176 m long, contained gates, posterns, and towers. It ran along the watershed and was founded partly on bedrock and partly on stone bedding. The wall was 2–2.5 m thick, constructed of twin stone courses filled with rubble, and estimated to have been 4–5 m high. The original stratum III towers were semicircular. Two of these were replaced in stratum II with rectangular ones. Their total number has been estimated at between thirty-five and forty, but the distances between them are not uniform. The two gates discovered were somewhat dissimilar, the western one having a wider opening and an adjoining semicircular tower on its north side, while the southwestern gate had a square tower flanking it. Posterns (narrow openings in the city wall) were also uncovered; they seem to have been additional openings that could be easily plugged when necessary.
Now termed the Arad House in the archaeological literature, the typical building at Arad, for both public and private purposes, was a broadroom—a rectangular structure with an entrance in the long wall. Its features recur with great regularity: benches along the walls, a stone pillar base in the center to support the roof, one to three steps down from the street outside, and a stone doorpost socket to the left of the entrance to the house. The location of the pillar bases, together with a pottery model of an Arad House discovered in excavation, indicate a flat roof. This basic structure was usually one part of a walled compound that typically included a courtyard and a smaller subsidiary room or two that may have served as storage facilities. The courtyards contained square or round platforms used as silo bases or work surfaces. Residential compounds usually contained great quantities of restorable pottery vessels; implements of flint, bone, copper, and stone; and charred grain, flax and legume seeds, olive pits, and animal bones, all of which allowed for a detailed reconstruction of daily life. Clear residential quarters were identified in areas T-east, T-north, H, and K.
Public and elite areas.
The tract between the western gate and the reservoir was designated for public and elite activities. Four distinct zones were discerned: the “market” area, the palace, the sacred precinct, and the reservoir district. This discussion proceeds from the western gate to the reservoir on the east.
Located just inside the western gate, the market area was a large open space with two large, atypical buildings with flimsy walls. Fragments of mostly large pithoi (storage vessels) were recovered from the two buildings.
A large enclosed complex of interconnected rooms, courts, and passages, the palace had a large entrance on the north that provided access from the main street. Smaller entrances existed to the south and east. A large room appended by an antechamber and two courtyards formed the core of the palace. Numerous other rooms, cells, and courts contained considerable evidence for the storage, preparation, and cooking of food in large quantities. Other unusual features included large stone basins, monolithic “tables,” and a cultic stela (see below). These elements and the location of the complex between the western gate and the reservoir, next to the sacred precinct, gave rise to the conjecture that this was the town's administrative center. [See Palace.]
Just below and across the street from the palace and separated from the reservoir complex by an open square was another self-contained complex. Three of its components were discerned in stratum II: a large twin temple, a small twin temple, and another large, single-roomed cultic structure. Several buildings and courtyards were only partially excavated north of the sacred precinct; their connection to the precinct remains unclear. The large twin temples each opened onto courtyards that themselves opened onto a type of piazza. One of the courtyards contained a large altar with an adjacent basin. The southern chamber contained a stone maṣṣēbâ, or stela. Large quantities of pottery and carbonized seeds were recovered there. The smaller twin temples were much like the large ones in plan. The courtyard of the northern hall contained another stone altar and a group of complete vessels, and chunks of bitumen found beneath the floor of the southern hall may have been a ritual offering. These twin temple units have much in common with the EB I twin temples at Megiddo, while the broadroom type itself is found at the Chalcolithic temple at ῾Ein-Gedi and the EB acropolis Temple at Ai. [See Megiddo; ῾Ein-Gedi; Ai.]
Located in a depression in the town's center, the reservoir quarter was comprised of a ring of structures surrounding the reservoir on three sides. The reservoir was an open pool of approximately 1,000 sq m, into which runoff drained from all parts of the town by way of its radial streets. A dam must have existed on the east side, where no architectural remains were preserved. The surrounding buildings differ from those in the residential quarters; they can be divided into five blocks whose sequence of construction can be traced. Worthy of note are the Water Citadel, with its massive walls and unique plan of five parallel chambers, and the Water Commissioner's House, which includes the only true stone paving at EB Arad. [See Reservoirs.]
There are some clues to the religious beliefs held by the denizens of Arad, but they remain somewhat of a mystery. The stela in the main room of the palace was inscribed with two anthropomorphic figures with grain-like heads, one in a prone and the other in an upright position. The iconography is thought to represent the cyclical nature of the agricultural seasons and of life and death (cf. the Dumuzi/Inanna tales of Sumerian literature). [See Agriculture; Sumerians.] Cultic practice may also be inherent in the numerous stone and clay animal figurines found in various rooms. In general, it appears that the forces of nature were a dominant motif in the cult of Arad. [See Cult.]
Economy and urbanism.
Considering its arid location, the economy of EB Arad was highly diversified. Sickle blades and a plethora of carbonized grain (barley and wheat), peas, lentils, chickpeas, flax seeds, and olive pits from all parts of the settlement testify to a thriving agricultural base. Sheep and goat bones were ubiquitous and represent the production of dairy products, meat, skins, and wool. Cattle bones indicate the use of the plow, and ass bones are indicative of the major form of transportation. [See Cereals; Olives; Sheep and Goats; Cattle and Oxen; Transportation.]
Food processing seems to have been the most common pursuit: grinding stones and mortars were found in almost every house. Evidence of other domestic activities exists as well: spindle whorls, shuttles, and needles for spinning, weaving, and sewing. Flint tools—sickle blades, tabular scrapers, drills, and awls—were still widely used in this period. Special flint objects, such as tabular scrapers and Canaanean blades, were imported to Arad as finished products, probably from the central Negev. Jewelry manufacture is indicated by beads and shells in various stages of modification, found with copper and flint awls and drills. The shells were from both the Mediterranean and the Red Seas. Two jewelry hoards were discovered—in a jug and jar, respectively—in a quarter that produced evidence for the existence of specialized artisans. [See Jewelry.] A number of cylinder and stamp seals were uncovered, all made of local chalk. Their style and technique are reminiscent of examples from North Syria and Mesopotamia.
Long-distance exchange relations were maintained with Sinai, Egypt, and the northern Canaanite heartland. The study of pottery fabrics (petrography) has revealed pottery exchanges between Arad and Canaanite centers to the north. Petrography has also documented ties with southern Sinai by disclosing that many of the cooking pots at Arad were made with minerals found exclusively in the former region. The material culture of contemporary sites in Sinai is also remarkably similar to that of Arad. The Sinai copper deposits seem to have been the underpinning for this interconnection and it is suggested that desert peoples used Arad as a trade emporium (Ilan and Sebbane, 1989; Finkelstein, 1990), bringing copper to exchange for northern products such as olive oil and grain. Arad seems to have been the main supplier of copper to the north throughout EB I and EB II.
Some kind of connection with Egypt is also attested to by the Egyptian pottery found at Arad. It is not known what Egyptian produce was sent to Arad in these vessels, but the Egyptians may well have imported copper, salt, and bitumen (the latter two from the nearby Dead Sea) from Arad. (In general, the Egyptians would have been primarily interested in olive oil and wine from Canaan.)
Archaeological survey has revealed that Arad was encompassed by small rural settlements it is assumed were economically and politically associated, and perhaps dominated, by the town (Amiran et al., 1980). Arad was, in fact, the only urban entity in the Negev during EB II and probably functioned as the focal point for much of the region's commercial and political activity.
The destruction of the stratum II city may be attributable to any combination of causes: a gradual decline in annual precipitation toward the middle of the third millennium, Egyptian encroachment in southern Sinai in the early years of the third dynasty (undermining Arad's primacy as a major trading center), or a version of the general political unrest and collapse such as afflicted the rest of Canaan somewhat later.
The stratum I settlement was much smaller and more sparse than the earlier ones, made up, perhaps, of squatters who occupied the ruined city after its destruction.
Following its abandonment in about 2650 BCE, Arad remained uninhabited until the Iron Age. Even then, most of the lower town remained unsettled and relatively undisturbed. This resulted in well-preserved remains near the surface, which have allowed for a wide exposure and a detailed reconstruction of the ancient town's economy and social life. The excavations at Arad are of paramount importance for understanding processes of urbanization, the nature of the relationship between the desert and the sown, patterns of exchange, and the nuances of everyday life in the Early Bronze Age.
[See also Building Materials and Techniques, article on Building Materials and Techniques of the Bronze and Iron Ages; Cities, article on Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages; and Temples, article on Syro-Palestinian Temples.]
- Amiran, Ruth. “An Egyptian Jar Fragment with the Name of Narmer from Arad.” Israel Exploration Journal 24 (1974): 4–12. Explains the nature of the synchronism between Egyptian and Canaanite chronologies.
- Amiran, Ruth. “The Narmer Jar Fragment from Arad: An Addendum.” Israel Exploration Journal 26 (1976): 45–46. Important supplemental information to the previous paper.
- Amiran, Ruth, et al. Early Arad I: The Chalcolithic Settlement and Early Bronze Age City, First–Fifth Seasons of Excavations, 1962–1966. Jerusalem, 1978. The first final scholarly report. Several conclusions have been modified in the subsequent final reports (see below).
- Amiran, Ruth, et al. “The Arad Countryside.” Levant 12 (1980): 22–29.
- Amiran, Ruth, and Ornit Ilan. Arad: Eine 5000 Jahre alte Stadt in der Wuste Negev, Israel. Neumunster, 1992. The only comprehensive popular account of the finds from ancient Arad, includings many photographs in color.
- Amiran, Ruth, and Ornit Ilan. Early Arad II: The Chalcolithic and Early Bronze IB Settlements and the Early Bronze II City—Architecture and Town Planning, Sixth to Eighteenth Seasons of Excavations, 1971–1978, 1980–1984. Jerusalem, 1996. The second detailed scholarly account of the Arad excavations, focusing on building techniques, with plans, reconstructions, and analysis.
- Amiran, Ruth, Ornit Ilan, and Michael Sebbane. Early Arad III: Finds of the Sixth–Eighteenth Seasons, 1971–1978, 1980–1984. Jerusalem, forthcoming. The third and final scholarly account, covering the small finds (pottery, crafts, agricultural implements, trade techniques), their uses, and their social implications.
- Finkelstein, Israel. “Arad: Urbanism of the Nomads.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina Vereins 106 (1990): 34–50. Interesting interpretation of EB Arad as the northernmost manifestation of desert peoples, rather than as the southernmost outpost of the northern Canaanite culture.
- Ilan, Ornit, and Michael Sebbane. “Metallurgy, Trade, and the Urbanization of Southern Canaan in the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age.” In L'urbanisation de la Palestine à l'âge du Bronze ancien: Bilan et perspectives des recherches actuelles; Actes du Colloque d'Emmaüs, 20–24 octobre 1986, vol. 1, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 139–162. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989. Data-based inquiry into the crucial role of copper mining and trade between Arad and the Arava valley and Sinai. Includes a broad citation of relevant literature.
- Smith, Patricia M. “The Trephined Skull from the Early Bronze Age Period at Arad.” Eretz-Israel 21 (1990): 89–93.
Ornit Ilan and Ruth Amiran
Iron Age Period
The Iron Age settlement at Arad was erected on the north-eastern hill of the Early Bronze Age II city, following a gap of one and a half millennia. The excavation of the site's fortress and tell was conducted during five seasons (1962–1965, 1967) under the directorship of Yohanan Aharoni (In 1962, with Ruth Amiran). After 1977, limited excavations were carried out under the supervision of Ze'ev Herzog, in conjunction with the National Parks Authority, which is conducting restoration work at the site. Some of this summary includes reassessments of the work at Iron Age Arad—stratigraphic and chronological conclusions that differ from earlier views. The fortress and tell at Arad provide a unique archaeological sequence for the period of the Judean monarchy. The discoveries of the Judean temple and numerous Hebrew ostraca also contribute to the site's importance.
The site's Arabic name (Tell Arad) affirms its identification. It is also located at the distance from Hebron and Moleatha cited by Eusebius (Onomasticon 14. 1–3). Finally, the name Arad is inscribed four times (in mirror image) on a pottery sherd found at the site.
Arad is mentioned in the Bible: the Canaanite king of Arad foils the Israelite attempt to enter the country from the south (Nm. 21:1, 33:40); it is on the list of conquered Canaanite cities (Jos. 12:14); the Kenites settled in the wilderness of Judah at “Negev Arad” (Jgs. 1:16); it is listed (misspelled as Eder) among the cities of Judah (Jos. 15:21); and the name Arad is mentioned twice on Shishak's (Sheshonq) list of 925 BCE (nos. 107–112): Hgrm ῾Arad rbt ῾Arad n-bt Yrhm. The prevailing interpretation of the text is “the citadels of greater Arad and Arad of the house of Yeruham” (Aharoni, 1993). Another view recognizes three names in this text: Hagraim, Greater Arad, and Arad (of the family) nbt (Na'aman, 1985). “Greater Arad” is unanimously identified by scholars as Tel Arad.
Iron Age I Village: Stratum XII.
The first settlement (stratum XII) was built over the deserted ruins of the EB II city. In fact, the new occupants reused some of the old houses. Most of the stratum XII remains were uncovered to the west of the citadel, buried under a later glacis. Pillared walls and storage bins were attached to two of the EB II broad rooms. A fence bordered the houses on the west, where a steep rock cliff is exposed. The preserved section, as well as sporadic finds uncovered under the later remains, allow the reconstruction of the small village in the form of an enclosed settlement. In some spots, several stratum XII living surfaces were noted. The objects recovered date to the eleventh century BCE. There was no sign of a violent destruction, and the same community may have erected the fortress of the succeeding occupational stage, in the tenth century BCE.
The initial publications of the finds from stratum XII presented a reconstruction of a cultic temenos in the center of the site, with an altar and a round high place (Herzog et al., 1984; Aharoni, 1993). These interpretations followed the view, first suggested by Benjamin Mazar, that the religious tradition at the site stemmed from the settlement of the Kenites, who had family ties (Hobab the Kenite) with Moses as mentioned in Judges 1:16 (Mazar, 1965). A more critical opinion suggests that these elements were ordinary domestic installations: a wall and a circular silo (Herzog, 1994). [See Granaries and Silos.]
First Fortress: Stratum XI.
The fortress (55 × 50 m) was carefully planned: it was surrounded by a casemate wall and reinforced by projecting towers. The remains of four towers were detected on the western side. Except on the east, the casemate wall was rebuilt in the succeeding stage as a solid wall. The only exposed casemate room was at the northwest corner. The outer wall is 1.60 m wide and the inner wall 1.40 m wide. On the east, the casemate rooms were significantly wider, perhaps serving as barracks for the fort's guards. The citadels' gate was at the northern end of the eastern side (blocked by a later solid wall). The approach into the gate chamber was protected by two towers.
The assumed presence of a temple in stratum XI was not validated by the evidence. A probe under the sacrificial altar disproved the assumption that the step at its southern side belonged to an older altar. Remains of a substantial structure were observed in the northern part of the fortress, but they do not indicate a cultic use. It seems safer to attribute the construction of the temple only to stratum X.
Several domestic structures were uncovered on the southern side of the fortress. Some stone-lined granaries found to the west of the fort indicate that the glacis had been laid in stratum X, whose structures were destroyed in a conflagration. Numerous pottery vessels found in the destruction layer clearly date to the tenth century BCE, affirming the identification of the fortress with the one on Shishak's list (cf. Zimhoni, 1985).
Solid-Wall Fortress: Strata X-VI.
The fortress rebuilt in stratum X was protected by a solid wall with only two gate towers. The builders filled in the space in the casemates on three sides, but on the east the new wall was constructed over the inner casemate wall. The wall was staggered at small angles in a sawtooth pattern. The fort was then square, with an area of 52 m (or 100 cubits). A new gate with two long halls inside the wall and two projecting towers was built in the center of the eastern wing. The fortifications were reinforced by a wide glacis laid around the fortress and retained by a low wall at its base.
An additional defensive feature was the construction of a water system. It consisted of underground cisterns hewn deep into the bedrock and plastered. [See Cisterns.] Water was directed into the system through a channel cut into the rock on the western side of the hill. The channel was covered with stones and concealed by the glacis. The cisterns were intended for use during a siege, when water could not be drawn from the well outside the fortress in the lower city and carried by jars or waterskins to the channel opening. A passage in the solid wall, above the cover stones, may have served as a secret postern.
The casemate fortifications first attributed to this horizon were constructed of ashlars worked with a toothed chisel. Their attribution to strata VII or VI was strongly criticized by various scholars (Nylander, 1967; Yadin, 1965). A re-examination of the stratigraphic data leads to the conclusion that the casemates were, rather, part of a Hellenistic fortress that was never completed. The solid wall was thus utilized throughout the Iron Age II, in strata X-VI. Each stratum is represented by definite architectural alterations, such as the raising of floor levels, and by a large collection of pottery vessels found in destruction layers. The time span of these strata is between the ninth and early sixth centuries BCE.
The erection of the temple in stratum X in the northwest quadrant of the fortress was the only major modification made in the interior. The temple itself consisted of a main broadroom hall with plastered benches along its walls and a small compartment attached to the center of the western long wall. The compartment served as the naos, identified with the debir of the Temple in Jerusalem. A stela made from an oblong stone with rounded edges and showing traces of red paint was found lying next to a low stone podium. Four shallow steps led into the naos; flanking them were two limestone incense altars. These objects date to the latest use of the temple (in stratum IX), but their first use phase may belong to the early shrine.
In front of the sanctuary was a rectangular courtyard (12.00 × 7.50 m) with a stone pavement. Rooms flanked the courtyard on its other three sides, and a large sacrificial altar was found on the east. The altar (2.40 × 2.20 m) was raised approximately 1.50 m above the floor of stratum X. It was built from unhewn fieldstones laid in mud mortar. A stone step, or bench, had been placed at the foot of its southern side. A large flint flagstone, girdled by plastered channels, covered the top of the altar, and a small compartment was found adjacent to the altar on the west. A red-slipped clay incense burner, comprised of two parts, was found inside the room, attesting to the room's use as a storage area for ceremonial articles.
In stratum IX, the floor of the temple's courtyard was elevated by about 1.20 m, so that the sacrificial alter projected only 0.40 m. Another innovation related to the area's ceremonial role was the addition of a stone-built basin in the courtyard, 2 m south of the altar.
Unlike the other buildings, no indication of violent destruction is observable in the temple area. The vertical disposition of the altars and the stela and the superb preservation of the limestone incense altars and the top of the sacrificial altar indicate that the temple was intentionally dismantled. The upper parts of the walls were torn down and the whole area was buried under a thick layer of soil. The abolition of the temple is attributed to the cultic reform carried out by King Hezekiah In 715 BCE (2 Kgs. 18:22).
Dwellings, storerooms, and workshops.
The remaining area inside the fortress was allocated to residential dwellings in the southern wing, storage units in the northern quadrant, and the workshops of craftsmen on the southwest. The house of Eliashib, the commander of the Arad fortress, was uncovered at the eastern end of the southern wing. His letters and personal seals were found in two successive layers. Crafts are evident from a hoard of unworked silver and broken jewelry that surely belonged to a local silversmith; the dozens of juglets recovered suggest the production of perfume.
More than one hundred Hebrew inscriptions were uncovered at Arad. They comprise one of the largest epigraphic collections dating to the Iron Age II (Aharoni, 1981). Most of the inscriptions are on sherds (ostraca); a few are inscribed on whole pottery vessels. [See Arad Inscriptions; Ostracon.] The ostraca are administrative in character. Many are letters concerned with the delivery of the food supply (flour or bread, wine, oil) to military units or to kiṯim, apparently Phoenician merchants (originating from Kition on Cyprus) in the service of the kingdom. Others record taxes in kind sent from villages in southern Judah. Some historical information is hinted at the letters: the inauguration of a new king (no. 88), and threat of an Edomite attack on Ramot Negev (no. 25). Nineteen inscriptions were found in one room, in the house of Elyashib, the commander of Arad in stratum VI (see above). Three of his personal seals were uncovered in stratum VII, indicating a short time span between the end of both strata.
Post-Iron Age Phases: Strata V-I.
Numerous pits, in which eighty-five Aramaic ostraca were found, characterize the Persian period (stratum V). A casemate fortress was initiated later, in the Hellenistic period, but was never completed (see above). Instead, a small fort was erected within a fenced-in camp (stratum IV). A new fort was erected in the Roman period (stratum III), in the first century BCE, and existed for about two hundred years. Following a long period of abandonment, the remains of the fort were partially reused and incorporated into a way station in the Early Arab period, in the seventh and eighth centuries CE (stratum II). A bedouin cemetery (stratum I) of the thirteenth-nineteenth centuries concludes the stratigraphic sequence.
- Aharoni, Miriam. “The Israelite Citadels.” In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, pp. 82–87. Jerusalem and New York, 1993.
- Aharoni, Yohanan, in collaboration with Joseph Naveh. Arad Inscriptions. Translated by Judith Ben-Or. Jerusalem, 1981.
- Aharoni, Yohanan. “Arad: Identification and History.” In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p. 75. Jerusalem and New York, 1993.
- Herzog, Ze'ev, et al. “The Israelite Fortress at Arad.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 254 (1984): 1–34.
- Herzog, Ze'ev. “The Beer-Sheba Valley: From Nomadism to Monarchy.” In From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel, edited by Israel Finkelstein and Nadav Na'aman, pp. 122–149. Jerusalem and Washington, D.C., 1994.
- Mazar, Benjamin. “The Sanctuary of Arad and the Family of Hobab the Kenite.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 24 (1965): 297–303.
- Na'aman, Nadav. “Arad in the Topographical List of Shishak.” Tel Aviv 12 (1985): 91–92.
- Nylander, Carl. “A Note on the Stonecutting and Masonry of Tel Arad.” Israel Exploration Journal 17 (1967): 56–59.
- Yadin, Yigael. “A Note on the Stratigraphy of Arad.” Israel Exploration Journal 15 (1965): 180.
- Zimhoni, Orna. “The Iron Age Pottery of Tell ῾Eton and Its Relation to the Lachish, Tell Beit Mirsim, and Arad Assemblages.” Tel Aviv 12 (1985): 63–90.