The destruction of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. at the end of the Jewish Revolt was a watershed event in the city’s long history. The city’s fortunes remained at a low point until it was refounded as a Roman colony in 130 C.E. But even then developments up to the time of the emperor Constantine (r. 306–337 C.E.) and the Christianization of the city in the early fourth century are poorly understood because of the availability of only meager scraps of historical information and slight archaeological remains that are often difficult to evaluate, leaving some basic questions unresolved. This article surveys what is known about the city of Jerusalem in the period from the founding of the Roman colony in 130 C.E. until the early fourth century.
The Period between the First and Second Jewish Revolts.
Titus (r. 79–81 C.E.) systematically destroyed the city after its fall in 70 C.E. except for the towers and the city wall in the west, where the garrison of the Legio X Fretensis was stationed. The legionary fortress would have formed the core of the settlement, but there would have been some gradual resettlement beyond the military garrison. That is attested by a number of inscriptions, such as a dedicatory inscription by the Legio III Cyrenaica for Jupiter Sarapis in 116–117 C.E., during the reign of Trajan (r. 98–117 C.E.). That cultic site of Jupiter Sarapis has been associated with votive objects found east of the Bethesda pools in the northeast area of the Old City. A column bearing a dedicatory inscription to Vespasian (r. 69–79 C.E.) and Titus and a funerary inscription for a soldier are also known from the period between the two revolts. All known inscriptions from 70 C.E. until the time of Constantine are in Latin, demonstrating the shift in the nature of the city’s population. There may have been some few Jews and Christians resident in the city, but the Jews were certainly not permitted to rebuild the Temple. A kiln works for the production of bricks and roof tiles was located to the west of the city. Many bricks and tiles found throughout the city bear stamps of the Legio X Fretensis.
The Colonia Aelia Capitolina and the Second Jewish Revolt.
During his travels through Judea in the early summer of 130 C.E., Emperor Hadrian (r. 117–138 C.E.) decided to found a Roman colony in Jerusalem, 60 years after the destruction of the city in 70 C.E. The views of scholars have varied about whether Hadrian meant the founding of the colony to be a compliment to the Jews, a rebuilding of their former capital, only to be misunderstood by them as they soon revolted, or whether he intended the foundation of the colony as a means to control a rebellious province. Hadrian may have been motivated to found the colony as a matter of policy, to bring the number of colonies in the province to two, along with Caesarea, the capital, to match the number of legions stationed there.
Hadrian certainly intended to establish a Roman colony rather than to reestablish Jerusalem as a Jewish city with a rebuilt Jewish temple. The choice of name for the new colony makes that point clear. The name of the colonia Aelia Capitolina was formed from Aelius, the gens (clan) name of Hadrian, and from the name of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus on the Forum in Rome. That temple of Jupiter had been destroyed during the Roman civil war in 66 C.E., and Vespasian had ordered the Jews throughout the empire to pay the annual tax that they had been giving in support of the Temple in Jerusalem, the fiscus Iudaicus, instead for the rebuilding of the temple of Jupiter (Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 65.7:2).
When Hadrian came in 130 C.E., his plans to establish a Roman colony with a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, rather than to rebuild Jerusalem as a Jewish city, would have become clear to the Jewish population. One assumes that work on the establishment of the colony would have begun then and that the first Roman colonists would have settled, which prompted the outbreak of the revolt in the late summer of 132 C.E., apparently requiring Hadrian’s return to the province before he headed back to Rome. A statement by the third-century historian Cassius Dio is the most important source about the foundation of the colony (Hist. Rom. 69.12:1–3):
When Hadrian founded at Jerusalem a city of his own, which he called Aelia Capitolina, in place of the one destroyed, and erected a temple of Jupiter on the site of the sanctuary of their god, a great and long-continued war broke out. The Jews regarded it as an outrage that foreigners should settle in their city and that temples for strange gods should be built in it.
Cassius Dio states that the decision to found the colony was the cause of the Second Jewish Revolt, rather than the decision to found the colony being made after the revolt was defeated, as the fourth-century church historian Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 4.6.4) wrote. Cassius Dio’s view appears to be the correct one. Finds of coins minted after the foundation of Aelia Capitolina together with coins of the revolt point to the foundation of the colony before the outbreak of the revolt.
The fate of the city during the years of the Second Jewish Revolt under the leadership of Bar Kokhba from mid-132 to 135 C.E. has been a debated question. Some scholars have thought that the rebels captured the city, that is, the legionary fortress; but that seems not to have been the case. The scarcity of coins of the revolt found in the city suggests otherwise. Thus, the phrase “For the Freedom of Jerusalem” on the coins minted by the rebels represents an aspiration of the revolt, rather than the affirmation of an accomplishment.
The Foundation of Colonia Aelia Capitolina.
After the revolt was defeated in 135 C.E. or perhaps only in early 136 C.E., the Romans proceeded with establishing the colony. The formal foundation of the colony, a ritual plowing of the boundaries, in 136–137 C.E. was commemorated by a coin issue. A military standard on the coins indicates that the colonists were army veterans. Aelia Capitolina was the last such Roman military colony ever. The city would have had a hinterland, where the colonists would have received land.
The colony was a deliberate break with the past. Hadrian gave the colony a new name unrelated to the previous name of Jerusalem, just as he changed the name of the province from Iudea to Syria Palaestina, the only time in the history of the Roman Empire that a province name was changed as a punishment of defeated rebels. The colonists would have had little to do with whatever local Jewish population had survived the revolt. Jews were banned from the city.
The status of the city as a colony implies a Roman civic administration. Duumviri (“two-men” leading magistrates), aediles (lower magistrates), and decurions (members of the city council) are attested. One prerogative of the colony was the minting of coins, which continued up to the middle of the third century when cities ceased to issue coinage throughout the empire. There are 206 coins types presented in Kadman’s 1956 corpus. The obverses of the coins invariably depict the various emperors, while the reverses most often depict a Tyche civic goddess or Astarte with a temple with four or six columns, the god Sarapis, or less commonly other deities or motifs.
The new colony did not use the layout of the previous city with its focus on the Temple. The colony was significantly smaller than pre-70 C.E. Jerusalem, and its core shifted to the west. The layout of the new colony of Aelia Capitolina can still be detected in the street grid of the northern half of the Old City. The main streets in a grid of parallel streets adapted to the local geography are reflected in the construction of two colonnaded north–south streets (cardines) from Damascus Gate south and east–west streets (decumani). The first cardo (Khan al-Zayt Street) ran straight south from Damascus Gate as far as the decumanus running from Jaffa Gate to the Temple Mount. This was a totally new street. An extension of that cardo to the south was first built in the time of Justinian in the sixth century. Some of the columns of the colonnades remain, notably the one marking the Seventh Station of the Cross. Other columns of the colonnade are in the Russian Alexander Nevsky Hospice. The second colonnaded street (al-Wad Street) ran to the east. One decumanus ran to the east of the east cardo, north of the Temple Mount, as seen on the Madaba mosaic map, and a second ran from Jaffa Gate to the Temple Mount. Excavations over the years, sometimes associated with repaving of the modern streets, have uncovered remains of the Roman streets here and there, notably near Chain Gate on the west side of the Temple Mount.
The status of a colony implies a variety of public buildings. Some from the Roman period are attested in historical sources or known from physical remains. A chronicle, the Chronicon Paschale written by a contemporary of the emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641 C.E.) around 630 C.E., lists a number of public buildings in the colony (PG 92:613–616):
"He [Hadrian] destroyed the temple of the Jews in Jerusalem and founded the two demosia (public baths), the theater, the Trikamaron (a three-part building), the Tetranymphon (nymphaeum with four porticoes), the Dodecapylon (a monumental gate with twelve entrances), which had earlier been named Anabathmoi, and the Kodra. He divided the city into seven districts and appointed district magistrates and assigned a district to each magistrate, and until today each district carries the name of the magistrate. He gave his own name to the city and called it Aelia, because he himself was named Aelius Hadrianus."
None of the buildings in that list can be identified definitely with any remains found in excavations, and even what is meant by some of the names is not clearly understood. Where the seven administrative districts were located is also impossible to determine. In addition to the list of the Chronicon Paschale, there are enough remains of public monuments in the colony to indicate that considerable public investment was put into the new colony.
As many as seven monumental arches in the city are known from physical remains or inscriptions.
- 1. The most substantial surviving monument from the Roman period is Damascus Gate, built as a freestanding monumental triple gate similar to other Roman freestanding triumphal gates elsewhere in the province of Judea and the arch of Hadrian at Gerasa (Jerash) in Jordan. The gate was built with reused Herodian masonry, and there are niches for statues in it. Above the east side arch is a Latin inscription in secondary use “by decree of the decurions of Aelia Capitolina.” The gate was built to mark the northern limit of the city, and only in the late third century was it connected to a city wall. Inside the gate was a paved public square with a column, from which two colonnaded streets ran to the south, as shown on the sixth-century Madaba mosaic map.
- 2. A second freestanding gate, the Ecce Homo arch, on the east–west street running north of the Temple Mount, was similar to Damascus Gate. There are niches for statues in the gate. The arch is close to being on line with the west enclosure wall of the Temple Mount and, thus, marks the east limit of the city, which excluded the area of the Bethesda Pools to the east. To the east of the gate (i.e., outside) was a stone-paved area, which was built in conjunction with the gate and in part covered the Struthion Pool from the Second Temple period. That pavement, known in the twenty-first century as the Lithostrotos in the Sisters of Zion Convent, was part of a public square, similar to the paved area inside Damascus Gate; but a suggestion to identify the paved area as an eastern forum has found little support.
- 3. A third arch with a Latin inscription of Hadrian from ca. 135 C.E. was located to the north of the city limits, near the École Biblique. But the remains identified there in 1864, including the head of a marble statue, are fragmentary and difficult to interpret.
- 4. A fourth arch is located in the Russian Alexander Nevsky Hospice to the east of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. A fragmentary Latin inscription of Hadrian found around there dates to ca. 135 C.E. The arch could be the eastern entrance to the Roman forum. But how the arch fits in with the other substructures under and around the Church of the Holy Sepulcher remains unclear.
- 5. A fifth arch is attested in a Latin inscription reused in one of the Umayyad buildings south of the Temple Mount. The inscription, which names the emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193–211 C.E.), dates between April 202 and January 205, not long after he visited the city in 201.
- 6. A sixth monumental arch is attested in a fragment of a Latin inscription of unknown origin now in the Islamic Museum. The few preserved words of the inscription record an arch and an unknown person named Athenagoros. The inscription dates perhaps to the third century.
- 7. A seventh, a victory monument of Hadrian of some sort, if not an arch, is attested by a portion of a monumental Latin inscription that records the Legio X Fretensis, II Traiana, and XII Fulminata.
Jerome (Chron. 2:201) reported that in his day in the late fourth century the picture of a boar, the emblem of the Legio X Fretensis, was placed over the city gate leading to Bethlehem. That indicates that the gate, whether as a freestanding monumental arch or as a city gate, was constructed before the transfer of the Legio X Fretensis to Aqaba in the course of Diocletian’s (r. 284–305 C.E.) army reforms. One might assume that there was a tetrapylon monumental arch at the intersection of the main cardo and decumanus, but no trace survives, unless this is what the Chronicon Paschale referred to as the Dodecapylon.
Temples and the Temple Mount.
In addition to the various monumental arches, Aelia Capitolina had a number of temples; but their locations are a debated topic. The main temple of Aelia Capitolina was the
Capitolium, the temple of the Capitoline triad of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. According to Cassius Dio (Hist. Rom. 69.12:1–3), Hadrian raised a new temple of Zeus (Jupiter) on the site of the Jewish Temple. Many scholars assume that this passage indicates that the Capitolium was on the Temple Mount, but others propose alternative locations, based on the argument that Dio’s “site” (topos) for the temple could have a wider meaning of the city in general rather than specifically the Temple Mount.
In general, the status of the Temple Mount after the foundation of the colony is a major open question. Even after the demolition of the Jewish temple and the enclosure walls in 70 C.E., the derelict Temple Mount remained the largest feature in the city. Major sections of the enclosure walls were demolished down to ground level, although the corners were not demolished to the same extent. Notably, in the southeast corner, the wall courses are preserved some eight courses higher than elsewhere, which could leave the impression of a tower there, where later Christian tradition saw the pinnacle of the Temple where James the Less was martyred, as well as the pinnacle where Satan tempted Jesus and the cornerstone that had been rejected. Most of the gates onto the Temple Mount would have been ruined or blocked. Eusebius (Dem. Ev. 8.3.12) wrote that stones from the Temple and the holy of holies were being taken away to the temples of the idols and other public buildings. Whether or not the temple platform became part of the legionary fortress, a Roman cultic site was established there, the nature of which is debatable because of the lack of any archaeological remains and only very brief statements in historical sources.
The Pilgrim of Bordeaux, writing around 333 C.E., saw on the Temple Mount the fresh traces of the blood of Zacharias in the marble in front of the altar. He said that an “aedes” was at the site of the Temple of Solomon. He also mentioned two statues of Hadrian there and the “perforated stone” that Jews came to anoint and mourn every year; nearby was the house of Hezekiah.
Jerome (Comm. Matt. 24:15) mentions an equestrian statue of Hadrian on the site of the holy of holies. He elsewhere (Comm. Isa. 2:9) mentions a statue of Hadrian and a statue of Jupiter on the site of the ruined Temple, although by his day, in the late fourth to early fifth centuries, Jerusalem was already Christianized and the Roman temples would have gone out of use, although statues could have remained in place longer. A Syriac source about the abortive attempt to rebuild the Jewish Temple under the emperor Julian (r. 361–363 C.E.) in 363 C.E. writes that the Jews dug out and removed the monumental statue of Herodes, seemingly a reference to the statue of Hadrian, but that after the earthquake the citizens of Jerusalem put it back in place. That could indicate that there were still pagans in the city then.
If the Capitolium was not on the Temple Mount, the leading alternative location for it is in the area of the later Church of the Holy Sepulcher. That area was a suitable building site near the Roman forum, which seemingly should be located in the area to the south, where the Muristan came to be. That would make the Capitolium the temple that Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 2.23–24) called the Temple of Aphrodite, which Helena demolished in 326 C.E. in order to find the tomb of Christ. Jerome (Epist. 58.3) wrote that up until that point a statue of Jupiter had stood at the site of the Resurrection and a statue of Venus had stood on the rock of the Cross.
A Latin inscription records the construction of a temple for the Genius Africae for the well-being of an unnamed emperor. The type of script dates the inscription to not before the middle of the second century. The inscription was found in the area of the Armenian Patriarchate, the assumed location of the fortress of the Legio X Fretensis, at least between 70 and 130 C.E., making it likely that the temple was dedicated by the legion.
The legionary fortress.
The location of the fortress of the Legio X Fretensis is disputed. Only meager remains have been found in its presumed location in the southwest area of the city, around and to the south of the Citadel. The lack of finds there has led to alternative suggestions.
It has been proposed, based on the excavations to the south and west of the Temple Mount after 1967, that when the colony was founded the camp of the Legio X Fretensis was moved from around the Citadel in the west, where it had been since 70 C.E., to the southeast area of the city. The legionary fortress was partially inside the Temple Mount and partially outside to the south and west, with access between the two parts through the Double Gate and Barclay’s Gate in the south and west enclosure walls of the Temple Mount and a breach from the destruction in 70 C.E. in the western portion of the south wall. The portions of the fortress outside the enclosure walls would have been surrounded by their own walls, which in part were followed by the later Ottoman city wall line south of the Double Gate. The legionary fortress could have extended as far west as the east cardo. Within the western excavated area were a bakery, whose construction can be dated to the time of Antoninus Pius (r. 138–161 C.E.), and a large, multiroom bathhouse that continued in use in the Byzantine period. Both structures would have been appropriate as parts of the legionary fortress. The sizable numbers of Roman-period coins, fragments of marble sculpture, and bricks with stamps of the Legio X Fretensis found there support the idea that the area south and west of the Temple platform was the legionary fortress, or at least an area of primary importance in the Roman colony.
The area of the later Church of the Holy Sepulcher.
The remains from the Roman period in the area of the later Church of the Holy Sepulcher are difficult to interpret. Scholars assume that in the area were the Roman forum and a major temple, whether the Capitolium or a temple of Aphrodite. Eusebius writes that the area of the later Church of the Holy Sepulcher had been covered over with dirt in the Roman period. The area was then paved over and a temple of Aphrodite/Venus was built (Vit. Const. 3.26).
Retaining walls of the sacred precinct (temenos), dating to the time of Hadrian, have been found in various locations in the Muristan, under the Church of the Redeemer, and in the Russian Alexander Nevsky Hospice. The area south of the supporting wall under the Church of the Redeemer seems to have remained unsettled in the Roman period, raising the unresolved question of whether the area did indeed serve as the forum, as is often assumed. Although some individual wall lines of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher go back to the Roman temple installations, they are not nearly enough to reconstruct even approximately the plan of the Roman temenos there.
Other remains from the Roman period.
The northwest area of the city is densely occupied, so little excavation has taken place there, other than in the area of the Muristan and during repaving of some of the city streets. There have been no excavations in the north parts of the city comparable in scope to the excavations in the Jewish Quarter and to the south and west of the Temple Mount after 1967.
The Pilgrim from Bordeaux in 333 C.E. referred to a “synagogue” on the Southwest Hill, but the possible Roman-period remains beneath the Tomb of David compound are meager. Various other Roman-period wall lines in the Armenian Garden and the Citadel are also difficult to interpret. Roman remains, votive offerings, and water installations at Bethesda Pool in the area of the later Church of St. Anne in the northeast have been associated with a cultic site of Asclepius-Hygeia and/or Sarapis, known from coins. Roman remains have also been found in the area around the Siloam Pool in the south, where the Pilgrim of Bordeaux in 333 C.E. saw four porticoes.
Tombs from the Roman period have been found in various locations outside the city. Cremation burials to the southwest of the Old City are assumed to be burials of soldiers of Legio X Fretensis. A number of Latin tombstones have also been found in and around the city.
The upper aqueduct bringing water to the city from Solomon’s Pools south of Bethlehem was constructed in the Roman period. Some stones in the upper aqueduct bear brief Latin inscriptions with names of centurions in the Legio X Fretensis. The upper aqueduct entered the city around Jaffa Gate and seemingly emptied into Hezekiah’s Pool nearby. One assumes that the low-level aqueduct, repaired earlier by Pontius Pilate, would have been in use in the Roman period as well. It emptied into the underground cisterns below the Temple Mount.
Jews and Christians.
Jews were prohibited from settling in the city, a ban that was renewed by Constantine in the early fourth century. There is no archaeological trace for a Jewish presence in the city. But a small Jewish congregation seems to have lived there nonetheless, based on some Talmudic references to a “holy congregation” in Jerusalem. Christians were resident in the city, led by bishops of Gentile, rather than Jewish, descent. A full line of bishops is attested (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.5, 5.12).
Aelia Capitolina after Its Foundation.
Little is known about the history of the city after its foundation under Hadrian, beyond what a few inscriptions can provide. A statue of Antoninus Pius was erected after he became emperor in June 138 C.E. following Hadrian’s death. The statue was erected by the decurions at the expense of the public funds of the colony, as a Latin inscription from its base records. The inscription was later placed upside down in the south wall of the Masjid al-Aqsa compound near the Double Gate. Another Latin dedicatory inscription of the Legio X Fretensis, found in the northwest part of the city, may date to the time of Antoninus Pius, around 140–170 C.E.
The emperor Septimius Severus visited the city in 201 C.E. (Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 76.13.1); a special coin was minted to mark the occasion. An arch was also dedicated to the emperor, attested by an inscription dating between April 202 C.E. and January 205 C.E. that names Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, his son Caracalla, and his wife Fulvia Plautilla. That inscription gives a new honorific name for the colony: Colonia Aelia Kapitolina Commodiana. The city of Rome received the honorific title Colonia Commodiana, which was also adopted by Alexandria, Carthage, and Jerusalem. The name appears on coins minted since 209 C.E. until local coin minting ended in the mid-third century.
Another Latin inscription was written on a column found in the Efthimius market near Jaffa Gate, dating perhaps either to 198–208 C.E. or to 211–212 C.E. The column served as the base for a statue of M. Iunius Maximus, a legate of the Legio X Fretensis.
At some point in the late third century the Legio X Fretensis was transferred to Aqaba, where it is attested by Eusebius. The move most likely was associated with the reorganization of the army under Diocletian. The legion was eventually replaced by a smaller unit, the Equites Mauri Illyriciani, listed in the Notitia dignitatum of the early fifth century (34:21). With that move the colony ceased to have a large garrison. Also, a city wall was built, seemingly around the late third or early fourth century. The Pilgrim of Bordeaux indicates that Lion’s Gate was the east gate of the city in 333 C.E. The south wall may have been around the course of the Ottoman wall. After the withdrawal of the legion, the area of the camp would have become available for civilian settlement, and in the Byzantine period the area of settlement expanded to include the southern half of the Old City, south of the decumanus running from the Citadel to the Temple Mount.
The Early Fourth Century.
The fortunes of Aelia Capitolina took an abrupt turn for the better in the early fourth century, when Constantine became emperor and started actively supporting Christianity. He sponsored the construction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, which was dedicated in 335, along with other churches; and the city quickly took on a Christian character. The name of the city reverted to “Jerusalem,” although the name “Aelia Capitolina” also stayed in use. In its Arabic form, “Iliya,” the name even continued in official use into the early Islamic period in the seventh century.
- Arubas, Benny, and Haim Goldfus, eds. Excavations on the Site of the Jerusalem International Convention Center (Binyanei Ha-ʿUma), a Settlement of the Late First to Second Temple Period, the Tenth Legion’s Kilnworks, and a Byzantine Monastic Complex: The Pottery and Other Small Finds. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 60. Portsmouth, R.I.: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 2005. The final excavation report.
- Benoit, Pierre. “L’Antonia d’Hérode le Grand et le forum oriental d’Aelia Capitolina.” Harvard Theological Review 64 (1971): 135–167. The Antonia of Herod the Great and the East Forum of Aelia Capitolina.
- Bieberstein, Klaus. “Aelia Capitolina.” In Jerusalem before Islam, edited by Zeidan Kafafi and Robert Schick, pp. 134–168. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1699. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2007. A comprehensive summary of the period.
- Bieberstein, Klaus, and Hanswulf Bloedhorn. Jerusalem: Grundzüge der Baugeschichte vom Chalkolithikum bis zur Frühzeit der osmanischen Herrschaft. 3 vols. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B 100, 1–3. Wiesbaden, Germany: Ludwig Reichert, 1994. An encyclopedia with entries and complete bibliography of every excavation and monument in Jerusalem.
- Boatwright, Mary. Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000. A general discussion of Hadrian’s patronage of cities.
- Cotton, Hannah, and Werner Eck. “Ein Ehrenbogen für Septimius Severus und seine Familie in Jerusalem.” In Donum Amicitiae, Studies in Ancient History Published on the Occasion of the 75th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Department of Ancient History of the Jagiellonian University, edited by Edward Dąbrowa, pp. 11–20. Krakow, Poland: Jagiellonian University, 1997.
- Cotton, Hannah, and Werner Eck. “An Imperial Arch in the Colonia Aelia Capitolina: A Fragment of a Latin Inscription in the Islamic Museum of the Haram ash Sharif.” In Israel’s Land: Papers Presented to Israel Shatzman on His Jubilee, edited by Joseph Geiger, Hannah Cotton, and Guy Stiebel, pp. 97–118. Raanana, Israel: Open University of Israel, 2009.
- Eck, Werner. “The Bar Kokhba Revolt: The Roman Point of View.” Journal of Roman Studies 89 (1999): 76–89.
- Eck, Werner. “Revision lateinischer Inschriften aus Jerusalem.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphie 169 (2009): 213–229. Revisions to the readings of a number Latin inscriptions, pending publication of the relevant volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae.
- Eliav, Yaron. God’s Mountain. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005. The Temple Mount and the city of Jerusalem in general up to the end of the Byzantine period.
- Geva, Hillel. “Jerusalem: The Roman Period.” In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, edited by Ephraim Stern, vol. 2, pp. 758–767. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1993. The best survey article of the archaeological remains from the period.
- Kadman, Leo. The Coins of Aelia Capitolina. Jerusalem: Israel Numismatics Society, 1956. The corpus of Roman coins.
- Lifshitz, Baruch. “Jérusalem sous la domination Romaine: Histoire de la ville depuis la conquête de Pompée jusqu’à Constantin (63 a.C.–325 p.C.).” Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt 2, no. 8 (1977): 444–489. A summary of the history of Jerusalem from Pompey to Constantine.
- Mazar, Eilat. The Temple Mount Excavations in Jerusalem 1968–1978 Directed by Benjamin Mazar: Final Reports. Vol. 4: The Tenth Legion in Aelia Capitolina. Qedem 52. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2011. The final excavation report, presenting the evidence for the fortress of the Legio X Fretensis being located in the Temple Mount and to its south and west.
- Mildenberg, Leo. The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War. Frankfurt, Germany: Sauerländer, 1984. The corpus of coins minted by the Bar Kokhba rebels.
- Safrai, Shmuel. “The Holy Congregation in Jerusalem.” Scripta Hierosolymitana 23 (1972): 62–78. Evidence from Talmudic sources for a Jewish presence in Jerusalem in the Roman period.
- Thomsen, Peter. “Die lateinischen und griechischen Inschriften der Stadt Jerusalem und ihrer Nächsten Umgebung.” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina- Vereins 44 (1921): 1–61, 90–168. The basic corpus of Latin and Greek inscriptions from Jerusalem.
- Tsafrir, Yoram. “The Temple-less Mountain.” In Where Heaven and Earth Meet: Jerusalem’s Sacred Esplanade, edited by Oleg Grabar and Benjamin Kedar, pp. 72–99. Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 2009. The Temple Mount in the Roman and Byzantine periods.
- Vincent, Hugues, and Félix-Marie Abel. Jérusalem: Recherches de topographie, d’archéologie, et d’histoire. Vol. 2: Jérusalem nouvelle. Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1914. A general historical presentation and detailed discussion of the Ecce Homo arch and the remains in and around the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.